مجله پژوهش های قرآن و حدیث
سال پنجاه و پنجم شماره 2 (پاییز و زمستان 1401)

Sheikh Sadūq paid particular attention to collecting the narrations of Imam Reza (AS), resulting in compiling the book ‘Uyūn Akhbār al-Ridā (AS). Unfortunately, many of the books used by scholars of that time have been lost. The only way to know their content is to refer to the reports that remained in the books. Some of these books can be identified by studying the titles of the chapters, the subject, and the chain of narrators of hadiths, as well as, comparing them with bibliographic and biographical information. In this article, 30 sources used by Sheikh Sadūq are identified including the books "Al-Masā'il" by Hassan bin Ali al-Washā’, "Al-Masā'il" by Muhammad bin Sinān, “Al-‘Ilal” by Fadl bin Shāzhān, “Al-Farq bain al-'Umma wal-Āl” by Rayān bin Salt, “Dhikr Majālis al-Ridā ma'a Ahl Al-Adyān” by Nūfilī. Using the results of this research, important steps can be taken to recover and rebuild the lost legacy of Imam Reza's (AS) narrations.

The issue of abrogation (naskh) in the Qur'an is a knowledge that has long been considered by Muslim scholars in various Islamic sciences, so that different and sometimes contradictory views have been expressed about it. Since the narrations (hadiths) are the origin of most different opinions on abrogation, this research examines the historical validity of Asnad of the narrations. Accordingly, collecting the narrations that indicate the abrogation of a Qur’anic verse and using the method of dating hadith based on the common link, it analyzed the Asnad of these narrations to answer the main question of research that “when, where, and by whom were these narrations spread?” The result shows that Qatāda, Suddī, Ḥussein b. Wāqid, Ḥajjāj bin Muhammad, and Abū Sāliḥ are among the key figures of naskh who are remarked as the origin of the spread of narrations in the second century AH in Basra and Kūfa.

The Qur’an has long been criticized in various ways and vis-a-vis Muslim scholars have strived to answer such criticism. Some criticisms aimed specifically at the literary structures of the Qur’an. “Returning the plural pronoun to the dual form”, as the Qur’an 22: 18 and 49: 9, as well as using the plural instead of dual form, as in the Qur’an 66: 4 and 5: 38, are among the most important examples of misconceptions about the issue of using plural structure for dual (al-muthannā). Concentrating the issue, this study aims to explain the use of plural form for dual from a linguistics perspective. In addition to the traditional syntactic answers, to see using the dual in one sentence as frowned upon, these views may also be criticized through the comparative grammar of the Semitic languages. Studying other Semitic languages, including Hebrew, Syriaic, etc., proves that in these languages ​​the dual form is not used as a morphological structure but the plural form has been replaced of it. In these languages, only limited examples of dual words are found. In many Qu’anic verses, although the use of dual is done in accordance with the relevant rules, studying the unique structures of dual shows that this form in the Qur’anic Arabic language is flexible and, in some applications, like its relatives, tends to the plural structure. The use of the plural structure for the dual meaning in the Qur’an may be divided into these categories: 1- using the plural verb for dual, 2- using the plural pronoun for dual, 3- using the plural adverb for dual, 4- using the plural word for dual in the nominal case, and 5- using the plural adjective for dual.

History shows that for a long time until now, one of the methods of fighting against the Holy Qur’an has been to create and promote misconceptions about this divine book. The opponents have not spared any effort and so many works have been written in this field, among which there is a book entitled “Criticism of the Qur'an”. Based on the denial of any miracles for the Holy Qur'an, it denied the correctness of the Holy Qur'an's prophecy about the victory of Romans over Iranians and so has considered it not a miracle, but a historical mistake. This study, based on a descriptive-analytical method with a critical orientation using library sources, aims to investigate this claim and criticize it. It comes to prove the invalidity of the opponents’ claim and then defend the theory of Qur’anic miracles. It shows that the arguments of the author of Criticism of the Qur'an do not only deny the miracles in the Holy Qur'an but also prove a manifestation of its authenticity.

In the semantics of “Lisāna Sidq” in the Holy Qur’an, with the aim of solving some problems surrounding the interpretation of this Qur’anic term, the context of the two verses related to it has been studied here. This Qur’anic term in the prayer of Prophet Abraham (AS) is accompanied by two complementary adverbs: “Lī” and “Fī Al-Akhirīn”; To reconcile between these two adverbs, commentators use the word “Lisān” as figurative meanings of “praise”, “remembrance” and in one case, they have considered “fame”, but these meanings do not have evidence in the holy Qur’an. The letter “Fī” in the complementary adverb “Fī Al-Akhirīn” means “Hawl (about)” and the semantics of the term “Lisāna Sidq” shows that the word “Lisān” may mean “speech” or “tongue”: according the former, this term is related to the statements that carries prophetic and truthful promises about “Al-Akhirīn”, and according to the latter, it refers to the tongue that expresses prophetic and truthful promises about “Al-Akhirīn”.

The concept of livelihood culture from the perspective of the Qur'an shows the correct method of business and consumption for human beings and acquaints them with the Qur’anic teachings in this category. Since two groups of religious scholars and rulers are influential in the interest, corruption, and destiny of society, studying and explaining the model of livelihood and pursuing the reform of their behavior, based on the Qur’anic culture of livelihood, seems to be necessary. This article aims to extract what is necessary for business and consumption in the livelihood of religious scholars and rulers from Qur’an and Hadith and express the components of their livelihood culture so that it is possible to demand from them based on Qur’anic citations and narrations. When the preacher of religion wears the dress of a ruler of society and so the ruler is selected among the clergy, the importance of the issue is doubled and so his duties in affairs of livelihood would be much more. Therefore, this theoretical research, through a descriptive-analytical method, seeks to find the components of the livelihood culture of rulers and preachers and then examine the compatibility of these social groups.

Halliday and Hassan's theory of textual coherence is one of the important categories of contemporary linguistics, which, unlike purely constructivist theories, pays significant attention to linguistic structures in a situational context. In their opinion, text cohesion factors are placed in three categories: grammatical, lexical, and conjunctive. This research investigates three dimensions of coherence in the 181st sermon of Nahj al-Balagha. As a result, grammatical coherence with a frequency of 44% has the largest share of coherence in the sermon. Lexical coherence with a frequency of 43 and conjunctive coherence with a frequency of 13% are in the next place of importance, respectively. This abundance shows that the prominence of Imam Ali's words, in addition to their deep content, is due to the intelligent use of linking factors resulting from this conference and thinking about its meanings and themes, revealing the greatness of its position.

According to John Burton, the Qur'an was compiled during the time of the Prophet of God (PBUH) and by the Prophet himself; Hence, the narrations on collecting the Qur'an are all fabricated. He has pointed the finger of blame at Sunni jurists and introduced the first half of the third century as the time of fabrication. This article goes to date the narration of "Hudhayfah’s proposal to unify the Qur’anic Mushafs” to determine whether the claim of this English Orientalist is confirmed by the method invented by the Orientalists themselves or not. According to this research, although this narration has problems such as the small number of narrators and the uncertainty of the main narrator, even according to the opinion of people like Schacht and Juynboll, there is no conclusive evidence that it is fake, especially concerning the time claimed by Burton.

In Shiite and Sunni hadith sources, examples are mentioned that belong to khums (almsgiving), of which is “Rikāz”. The previous researches regarding this issue are mostly jurisprudential and do not have a historical and comparative approach. In Shiite and Sunni sources, narrations of rikāz are divided into two categories: a group of narrations mentions rikāz clearly in sole, in which there is no indication to the concept of rikāz. The other group mentions several narrations from the Prophet (PBUH), some Companions and Followers of in Sunni, as well as the Shiite Imams (AS). They have in-text evidences by which one can get a closer understanding of rikāz. In Shi’a rikāz means mine, everything found valuable, any kind of unused property, and common coins and in Sunni it means mine, old treasures, and dafīna (burials). The main difference between the narrations in the concept of rikāz refers to the lexical interpretation of this word.

Paleography is an important part of manuscript studies that can have a significant role in the estimation of the time and place of writing a manuscript. However, if it is accompanied by an inaccurate belief, the estimation of the time and place of writing some manuscripts will be tainted with incorrect judgments and so, untrue results followed by misconceptions about the history of the noble Qur’an will appear. One of the existing incorrect beliefs has occurred about an ancient script called “Māyil”, which is called by recent researchers as “Ḥijāzī.” Referring to documents, this article shows that the origin of the aforementioned script has been the Levant, and it declined after transference to some other lands, before the end of the first century AH. Findings change the determination of the time and place of writing some manuscripts and prevent the appearance of misconceptions about the history of the noble Qur’an.

Analyzing numerous and diverse Iranian Qur’an manuscripts surviving from the past, may shed further light on the history of transmission of the text of the Qur’an and the history of Shi’ism in Persia, a vast important region of Muslim geography. This article deals with studying the Qur’an manuscripts dating from the rise of copying the Qur’an and the formation of the Qur’an reading circles in Persia following the return of peace to the land, approximately a century after the Mongol invasion and particularly since the emergence of the Safavid state as the first national state in Persia in Islamic times. As reflected in this study, upon the decline of brilliant, inspirational, and independent reading circles, e.g. the early circles of Khorasan after the Mongol invasion, they were in time inspired by those standardized abroad and rose once again by recognizing the standard ‘seven readings’. Variant readings preferred by Persian Shi’a and the forms of recording them in the Qur’an manuscripts copied in the Safavid Persia are indicative of the fact that Persians and Ottomans concertedly preferred the reading of Ḥafṣ narrating from ‘Ᾱṣim. They frequently attested variant readings of Shuʻbah narrating from ‘Ᾱṣim, as their secondly and sometimes as the main and primary preferred reading.

According to Wansbrough, the text of the Qur'an came into existence out of short, separate units that have been developed and put together in a gradual process. Based on this assumption, the purpose of literary analysis of the text of the Qur'an is to identify these independent units, which Wansbrough calls prophetic logia, and to study their related forms and the historical stages of their development. Accordingly, he analyzes the different versions of Shu'aib's story in the Qur'an and considers the different versions of this narrative to suggest the preexistence of different and independent traditions incorporated into the Qur’anic text. This difference, in his view, is such that it takes more than just a single generation to emerge. Thus, he counts it as evidence for the late canonization of the final text of the Qur'an at the end of the second century. This article explains and evaluates Wansbrough's literary analysis of related verses of the Shu'aib’s story in the Qur'an and its results.